The delegates who
assemble in Smolny for the October Congress of Soviets do not resemble those of
the June Congress – neither in party alignment nor, Trotsky says, in
appearance. Worn soldiers, peasants, and workers in worn clothing who
represented the Bolshevik soviets in October replaced the well-turned-out
intellectuals who represented the leadership of the compromisist parties in
June. Of the 832 delegates to the June Congress, some 600 were Mensheviks and
Social Revolutionaries. Of the 650 arriving for the first session of the
October Congress, 390 were with the Bolsheviks, 80 were Mensheviks, and of the
159 Social Revolutionaries, three-fifths were “left,” that is, were aligned
with the Bolsheviks. Other delegates, to the number of 900, would arrive later.
The delegates
took a straw poll on the preferred shape of the government they expected – most
of them – to form:
·
505 for a government of the soviets
·
86 for a government of the “democracy”
·
55 for a coalition government
·
21 for a coalition government excluding the
Cadets.
Party caucuses
began in the morning. The city was quiet and in the hands of the insurrection;
the Winter Palace was fairly quiet too, but it still held the Provisional
Government. This gave the caucuses plenty to talk about.
The right- and
left-Social Revolutionaries split over the question on taking a page
from the Bolsheviks’ book by withdrawing from the Congress. Sixty on the
right wanted to withdraw; 92 on the left were against it. By evening the two
camps were sitting in separate caucuses.
The Mensheviks
had trouble deciding what their attitude should be. Lots of views were being
aired. They were still being aired at 8:00 p.m., when their caucus requested
that the opening of the Congress be put off.
It was, until
10:40 p.m. The hall filled up to overflowing in clouds of tobacco smoke. The
American journalist Reed squeezed in, but certain people who were important in
the June Congress – Cheidze, Tseretilli, Chernov – were missing. The Menshevik
Dan called the meeting to order on behalf of the Central Executive Committee
chosen by the June Congress. He did not want to make a political speech but he
can’t help referring to the compromisist ministers holed up in the Winter
Palace.
Hardly anybody
liked this. The Congress passed to the first order of business: selecting a new
praesidium. A Bolshevik from Moscow moved that representation be proportional
to the party identification of the delegates. The right-Social Revolutionaries
refused their seats; the left-SRs were happy to take them (seven seats). For
the time being the Mensheviks, guided by Martov, stayed in the game (three
seats).
Sverdlov had
drawn up the Bolshevik list of fourteen. He put Kamenev and Zinoviev, who’d
voted in the Bolshevik Central Committee against starting the insurrection, on
it, but modestly left himself off. Naturally Lenin was on the list, but he did
not yet come forward. He was still in disguise – wig, spectacles, and make up –
trying to gauge the mood of the Congress. The Mensheviks Dan and Skobelev saw
him in a passageway and, recognizing him, stared. Lenin did not acknowledge
them.
Kamenev took the
chair. He announced the agenda, but the guns
of the Aurora and the Peter and Paul were making another announcement….
The agenda was to
be:
·
Organization of the new government
·
Peace policy
·
Role of the constituent Assembly
…but it was
derailed by the evident incompletion of the insurrection. The Congress seated
some delegates from the peasants soviets who, as this was officially a congress
of workers and soldiers deputies, had not been invited. Then the Menshevik Martov
spoke. To considerable applause, he moved to halt all military action and begin
negotiations with the government. This promised to split the Congress before it
could get well started. Luncharsky made the reply for the Bolsheviks. The
Bolsheviks have “’absolutely nothing against Martov’s proposal.’” It passed
unanimously.
Delegates from
the soldiers committees – officers – now took the floor one after another,
speaking against the insurrection, the Bolsheviks, and even the Congress itself.
Then a Menshevik actually proposed forming a coalition with the Provisional
Government – just then entering upon its last few minutes of existence. It was
impossible to work with the Bolsheviks, he continued, and moreover the Congress
lacked any lawful authority. The speech – what could be heard of it over booing
and catcalls – was not received sympathetically.
Now a Latvian
rifleman rose to speak. The officers do not represent the troops on the front.
The day of the Compromisers is done. “’The Revolution has had enough gab! We
want action!’” Reed says the audience “knew [his words] for the truth.”
The next speaker,
another right socialist from the Bund, declared the events in Petrograd “’a
misfortune,’” and invited his colleagues to walk out. Seventy of them, about
half, did, leaving the other half wondering whether it was possible to work with the Bolsheviks. Some of them apparently
joined with the left Social Revolutionaries in alignment with the Bolsheviks.
The half that left, some of them, joined the march of the city duma.
Apparently, in
spite of Martov’s motion, the sounds of gunfire can still be heard. Martov rose
to speak again. He demanded adjournment of Congress until the motion had been
acted upon and realized. The Bolsheviks from the city duma turned up right at
this moment and were greeted enthusiastically.
Lenin and Trotsky
were taking a rest in a room nearly bare of furnishings except some cushions
thrown on the floor. Someone called for Trotsky to make a reply to Martov. The first premise of his argument is – well – uncompromising: “’An insurrection of
the popular masses needs no justification.’” The present insurrection happened
to have been victorious. Ought it to compromise victory? Compromise “’[w]ith
whom? … With that pitiful handful who just walked out?’” The question answered
itself. Trotsky ended by inviting the advocates of compromise “’into the
rubbish-can of history!’”
“’Then we will
go!’” answered Martov. He took the Mensheviks with him out of the Congress. The
vote was fourteen for Martov to withdraw, twelve for Sukhanov to stay on. Trotsky
moved a resolution condemning the Compromisers for their actions from the June
offensive on down. Another interruption. Then a sailor from the cruiser
Aurora came to assure the Congress that the ship was only throwing blanks.
A speaker for the
left Social Revolutionaries said they could not support Trotsky’s resolution
against their departed colleagues on the right. Lunacharsky, in answer,
softened the Bolshevik tone – a little. Trotsky’s resolution was left on the
table.
It was
approaching 2:00 a.m. October 26. The Congress took a half-hour’s recess….
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