At about 8:40
p.m., Lenin enters the hall where the Congress of Soviets has assembled; the
delegates greet him, Reed says, with a “thundering wave of cheers.” The agenda
is still peace, land, and a government of the soviets. Kamenev read the report
of the praesidium’s actions of the day: abolish the death penalty at the front,
freedom of agitation there, release for soldiers and land committee members
held as political prisoners, orders to arrest Kerensky, Kornilov, and their
abettors. All were ratified by the Congress.
Sukhanov was in
the galleries, this time as a spectator. A couple of right-socialist speakers
argued uselessly against the incoming tide. Then a coal miner from the Don
basin urged the Congress to take measures against Kaledin and his Cossacks lest
they interrupt supplies of coal and grain. Trotsky has to admit that such
measures were then beyond the revolution’s powers.
Now Lenin rose to
speak. The American journalist Reed says the welcoming ovation “lasted several
minutes. When it finished, he said simply, ‘We shall now proceed to construct
the socialist order.’” Again “that overwhelming human roar.”
With little in
the way of preliminaries, and nothing in flourishes, Lenin read the party’s proclamation
on peace:
·
Immediate negotiations between the belligerent
peoples and governments
·
Peace without annexations or indemnities
·
Neither conquered territories nor smaller, weaker
states or nationalities to be annexed
·
No secret treaties; existing treaties to be
published; provisions for the benefit of imperialist capital to be annulled
·
Immediate armistice for three months
The “offer of
peace” is addressed to the belligerent governments and peoples, but in
particular to the proletariat of England, France, and Germany, where Marx and
Engels had spent virtually all their working lives, and where socialist
political consciousness was then most advanced.
Note that, by
calling for immediate armistice and negotiations, the proclamation addresses the
first concern of the peasant soldiery. The provision on annexation addresses
the nationalities question directly and comprehensively, but by its terms also
rules out imperialist colonialism. And by calling on the workers of England,
France, and Germany, the proclamation emphasizes the international character of
the proletarian revolution. In brief comments, Lenin pointed out that, in order
for negotiations to begin immediately, governments would have to be consulted –
but not to the exclusion of the peoples. Further that the proclamation was not
an ultimatum; even exceptions to the policies on annexations and indemnities
would be considered. But “’Consider
does not mean we will accept it.’” Finally, Lenin asserted that if Russia had
thrown off the “’government of the bankers,’” so could the other peoples of
Europe. And this would be the basis of lasting peace.
Find the whole
text here.
The left Social
Revolutionaries were joined by speakers for other, smaller factions in voicing support,
sometimes qualified, for the proclamation. Lenin strongly rejected the argument
made by a fellow Bolshevik, that, rather than a proclamation, the Congress
should issue an ultimatum. The governments, Lenin argued, would spin an ultimatum,
hiding from their peoples the real meaning of the Soviet’s offer of peace.
And so Kamenev,
in the chair, at 10:35 p.m. according to Reed, put the matter to a vote. He
called on the delegates in favor to raise their credentials. This they all did. One who lifted his hand against
was shamed, and brought it back down.
This was an
historic moment. Not in the way our politicians toss the word around. It was
the act of a whole people, manifesting their power to themselves and to the
world. Like the Declaration of Independence. Or the Emancipation Proclamation.
But not quite. The people, the masses, were all present there in Smolny through delegates they themselves elected
in the soviets. The delegates had grasped the power they were given and used it
for the people and the world. With that realization, everyone began to sing the
Internationale. From the praesidium
to the back rows, eyes that were not weeping were shining.
Afterwards someone
called out – Long live Lenin! Cheers! Caps flung in the air! Then, remembering
the war and the struggle for the revolutions, they sang the Russian Funeral
March for their dead. Trotsky and Reed were both there; both capture the living
scene in their books. Sukhanov, the Menshevik and Compromiser, was there too,
but he couldn’t sing along.
Word went out to
the front and to the provinces….
Find the lyrics
to the Internationale here,
and the sheet music here.
Many versions, in many languages, can be found on Wikipedia.
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