May 9 – April 26, 1917: Coalition
Government? Prince Lvov – in effect – invites members of the Petrograd
Soviet to join the Provisional Government. The actual words of the announcement
invite “those active, creative forces of the country” who weren’t already in
the government to join it. As we’ll see, the proposal was soon to be acted
upon.
May 10 – April 27, 1917: Resolution on the
War. Satisfied with revisions to the original draft, Lenin speaks in favor
of the party’s resolution on the war. Denouncing the war as imperialist, the
resolution declared against annexations and indemnities, against “revolutionary
defensism,” and, ironically, against a separate peace. Of course, the
“democratic peace” the resolution called for could only occur if proletarians
in all the belligerent countries held the state power and so agreed. To this
end, fraternization with enemy soldiers at the front, already taking place, was
encouraged.
Pravda published the resolution on May
12 – April 29.
May 12 – April 29, 1917: All Russia
Bolshevik Party Conference Ends. Besides the resolutions described in prior
entries, the conference considers reports and resolutions on the party’s
attitude toward the provincial soviets, revisions to its program, the agrarian
and nationalist questions, and the current situation of the international
proletarian revolution.
The party’s
agrarian policy sought to align the peasants in the countryside with the
workers in the cities under the Bolshevik banners. It called for confiscation
of the landed estates of the nobility, church, and crown, nationalization of
the lands, and transfer of the lands to the peasantry under leasehold. The
party also undertook to organize the peasants in an independent arm, and
support their efforts in existing peasant soviets and land committees.
A new Central
Committee was also elected; Lenin, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Stalin, and Sverdlov were
among those given seats.
After the April
Days, the votes in elections to the soviets begin to shift, favorably to the
Bolsheviks.
May 13 – April 30, 1917: Miliukov Resigns.
Unable to resist backlash for the handling of his policy on the war and
annexation (i.e., the Dardanelles), Miliukov resigns his post as Foreign
Minister. Guchov, the Minister of War, having refused to sign the Declaration
of the Rights of the Soldiers, also resigned his post.
This left some
portfolios open for distribution to the socialists who had been invited to join
the Provisional Government. Already some of the provincial soviets, including
that of Moscow, had declared against participation. On the other hand, some of
the soldiers seemed to prefer having a socialist in charge of the war.
May 17 – May 4, 1917: Trotsky Arrives.
Released from a British prisoner of war camp in Canada some weeks before,
Trotsky arrives in Petrograd. Among his first acts was speaking against
participation in the Provisional Government.
Meanwhile, the
First All-Russian Conference of Peasants’ Deputies convened.
May 18 – May 5, 1917: Coalition Government!
Prince Lvov’s proposal offers six of the fifteen ministerial portfolios to the
socialists. The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet voted to accept it,
Bolsheviks only voting against.
Lvov was to
remain as premier. Kerensky, a Social Revolutionary who was already in the
government, took the war ministry; the foreign ministry stayed with the Cadets
in the person of Tereshchenko. Socialists got the ministries of labor and of
trade and industry, and the Menshevik Tseretilli became minister of posts. No
Bolshevik joined the government.
Russia’s allies
in the Entente seem to have been pleased. A broader government embracing
leaders of the socialist revolution might be better able to keep Russia in the
war. This was certainly Kerensky’s intention.
May 24 – May 11, 1917: Kerensky to the
Front. War Minister Kerensky travels to the front to agitate for an
offensive.
May 25 – May 12, 1917: Crimes of the
Peasantry. Prince Lvov, Premier of the Coalition Government, finds it
necessary to denounce the crimes of the peasants. The “crimes” had been going
on, increasingly, since April, in part because the government had done little
or nothing about land reform except to form land committees in rural districts.
The committees were permitted to discuss the matter but not given official
power to do anything about it.
So some peasants
had been taking matters into their own hands, confiscating the lands and
weapons of the rural nobility, seizing animals and equipment, etc. They even
disrupted land surveys in order to prevent sales of land by the owning classes.
In many cases, revolutionized peasant-soldiers on leave led these efforts.
May 26 – May 13, 1917: The Kronstadt Soviet
and Sailors. This episode begins when the Kronstadt soviet removes the
Cadet governor who had been appointed by the Provisional Government, and
assumes control of the island and its fortress itself. The island and fortress
lie at the mouth of the Neva River, not far from Petrograd. The episode has a
sequel.
May 27 – May 14, 1917: Kerensky Issues
Orders. War Minister Kerensky issues orders telling the troops to “go where
your leaders conduct you,” gratuitously adding they would “carry on the points
of [their] bayonets – peace.”
During this time
the Coalition Government convened a “special conference” to discuss calling a
Constituent Assembly. Nothing came of it; the term “Constituent Assembly”
continued to be a mask for the bourgeois government’s inaction on the
revolutionary programs and policies demanded by the soviets.
May 29 – May, 16, 1917: Resolutions of the
Soviet. The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet adopts a number of
resolutions that Lenin considered to be on the way to the proletarian state.
They called for state-run monopolies and trusts, regulated distribution of
goods and commodities, price fixing, and oversight of credit. The next day the
Minister of Trade and Industry resigned; other than that, the Coalition
Government did nothing.
June, 1917: Root Mission. President
Wilson sends former Secretary of War Elihu Root to Petrograd with messages on
the United States war aims and conditions for securing US loans for the further
prosecution of the war. He summed up
the US attitude, as Wikipedia says, very trenchantly: "No fight, no
loans."
Thus, the US offered credits of up to $75 million,
contingent on Russia undertaking the summer offensive. The Romanovs expressed a
desire to subscribe, contingent on the state treasury’s support for the tsar’s
family. But the Russian big bourgeoisie refused to subscribe.
June 4 – May 22, 1917: The Agrarian
Question. Lenin addresses the All-Russian Conference of Peasants’ Deputies
on agrarian policy. He made it clear that nationalization of the lands was the
Bolshevik policy, as opposed to transfer of ownership to individual peasants as
private property.
Under
nationalization, the state would own the land, and rent it back to farmers, “free
labor on free soil,” on terms “equal for all.” The party considered this the
best way to protect the livelihood of poor peasants as against the richer, petit bourgeois class of peasants. Model
farms were to be established on larger tracts confiscated from the nobility,
church, and crown.
You can read
Lenin’s address
to the conference by following the link.
At the front, the
Chief of Staff reported disaffection among the troops and continuing
fraternization with enemy troops. On the Rumanian front, he said, “…the
infantry does not want to advance.” Trotsky provides plenty of specific
examples of disaffection.
June 5 – May 23, 1917: Changes in Command.
War Minister Kerensky replaces General Alexeiev with General Brussilov as
commander-in-chief of the Russian armies. Brussilov was thought to be more
enterprising, thus more amenable to carrying out the desired offensive.
This set off a
series of dismissals by Kerensky and Brussilov, including that of Brussilov
himself. Some generals were dismissed for “indulgence” to the regimental
soldiers’ committees (from which officers were excluded). Others were dismissed
for the opposite reason, “resisting democratization” of the army. For
“excessive indulgence” to the committees, Brussilov was eventually replaced with
Kornilov. But Kornilov himself had been dismissed from command in Petrograd
because he’d proven unable to get along with democratic elements in the
government.
June 6 – May 24, 1917: Upheaval in
Kronstadt. At the urging of the Petrograd Bolsheviks, the Kronstadt Soviet
places itself under the Provisional Government. But it reversed the decision
the next day. The sailors had put some 80 officers of the fleet under arrest.
Two days later
(June 8 – May 27), the Petrograd Soviet put the sailors on trial in absentia. Trotsky served, unsuccessfully as the sequel shows, as
their defense counsel.
June 10 – May 28, 1917: Conference of
Peasants’ Deputies Adjourns. The Conference, caught between opposition to
the Provisional Government’s land policy (or lack of one) and its distaste for
the Bolshevik solution (i.e., nationalization), selects a Social Revolutionary
executive committee and president.
In the meantime,
the district land committees passed increasingly under the control of the
peasantry, and were increasingly able to exercise control over the use of the
land. This happened mostly peacefully, accompanied by a shift in the
countryside to alignment with the Bolsheviks.
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