Marx's Theory of Revolutions

Marx's Theory of Revolutions
Showing posts with label Pravda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pravda. Show all posts

Monday, June 22, 2020

Pravda Calls for Protest


One hundred years ago today, plus three, Pravda, the Bolshevik party newspaper, marked the party’s place to the left of the other socialist parties by calling for demonstrations against the Coalition Government, in which those other parties happened to be participating.

See what success the Bolsheviks had here. Or read the whole chapter on the June Demonstration here. Or read the whole story from the beginning by following this link.


Wednesday, March 18, 2020

Pravda in Publication


One hundred years ago today, plus three, the Executive Committee of the Soviet having given its approval, Pravda, the news organ of the Bolshevik party, publishes its first number of the February Revolution. Vyacheslav Molotov was among its first editors.



Read about it here. Or read the whole chapter on the February Revolution here.

Wednesday, November 29, 2017

Dual Power


March 17 – March 4, 1917: Dual Government. The Bolshevik Central Committee states its opinion of the dual government shared by the Soviet and the Provisional Government: the latter is counter-revolutionary. But on the same day, the Petrograd committee of the Bolshevik party resolved not to oppose the Provisional Government, contrary to the wishes of the Bolshevik left, including the Vyborg workers.

In the spread of the revolution through the armed forces, officers of the Baltic Fleet were arrested or drowned.

March 18 –  March 5, 1917: Pravda. First issue of Pravda, central organ of the Bolshevik Party. By order of the Executive Committee of the Soviet, the workers printed only those publications approved by the Soviet. That meant no more “right press” for the time being; the decision was reversed some days later under pressure from the bourgeoisie.

Among Pravda’s first editors was the left-Bolshevik Molotov.

Meanwhile, the workers returned to work under conditions, including eight-hour days, proposed by the Soviet. Word of the revolution began filtering through to the soldiers at the front, where the Bolshevik peace policy was not widely accepted.

March 19 – March 6, 1917: A Declaration. The Provisional Government issues a declaration promising to summon a Constituent Assembly and to carry the war through to victory. Trotsky observes that neither promise meant want it seemed to mean, nor indeed anything at all. The Provisional Government hadn’t summoned the Constituent Assembly months later when the October Revolution overtook it. The promise about the war was addressed more to Britain and France than to the people of Russia; the Provisional Government wanted business as usual with its allies of the Entente.

The Soviet voted to appoint commissars to each regiment of the army. The soldiers were gravitating towards the view that they would fight to defend the revolution, but refuse to take the offensive. The defensist position was also that of a majority of the Soviet, but not necessarily of the Bolsheviks.

From Switzerland, Lenin cabled the Petrograd Bolsheviks advice on tactics. His “Letters from Afar,” opposing accommodation with the Provisional Government, began to appear in Pravda during this time.

March 20 – March 7, 1917: A Separate Peace? The war continues to be a problem for the Provisional Government. Making a separate peace is discussed. But just two weeks later, Miliukov, the Foreign Minister, hatched a plot to seize the Dardanelles by betraying Serbia.

March 21 – March 8, 1917: The Tsar Arrested. Kerensky declares the tsar is “in my hands”; he wants to escort him to England. What really happened is that the railroad workers would not let the tsar pass. A Menshevik delegated by the Soviet placed the tsar under arrest at Moghilev, near the front.

Meanwhile, the Provisional Government declared amnesty for political prisoners, most of whom had already been freed anyway.

March 22 – March 9, 1917: Under House Arrest. At the insistence of the Soviet, and against the recommendation of Kerensky for exile to England, the tsar and his family are detained in the Winter Palace. The soldiers would have preferred that he be held in the Peter and Paul fortress.

The Council of the United Nobility put its resources at the disposal of the Provisional Government. This, coming immediately after the arrest of the tsar, completed the realignment of big bourgeoisie and landowning elements from the autocracy to the liberal-bourgeois government.

March 23 – March 10, 1917: Eight-Hour Days. The Manufacturers Association agrees to recognize the union shops and to limit the working day to eight hours. They had little choice, as the Petrograd workers were simply leaving the factories after eight hours of work. The same conditions prevailed in Moscow; the Moscow Soviet there made them official some ten days later.

March 25 – March 12, 1917 Stalin arrives. Bolsheviks released from detention in Siberia arrive in Petrograd by train. Stalin, Kamenev, and Muranov were greeted by the local, mostly younger, leadership of the party. Stalin deposed the local trio Molotov, Schliapnikov, and Zalutsky as senior member of the 1912 Central Committee then named by Lenin.

Meanwhile, the Provisional Government outlawed the death penalty, though it was later restored in the army.

March 27 – March 14, 1917: A Manifesto. The Soviet issues a manifesto “to the people of the whole world” declaring for peace without annexations or indemnities. But until that should happen the war against Germany and her allies was to continue. The manifesto had carried the Soviet unanimously.

Meanwhile Trotsky left New York for Russia on a Norwegian vessel. At Halifax, Nova Scotia, he was detained by officials of the British navy and held with the Germans in a prisoner of war camp. His speeches there won the support of many of the enlisted men, but drew the ire of the German officers, not to mention the British commandant.

The soviets pressured the Provisional Government to secure Trotsky’s release, with the result to be seen in the sequel.

March 28 – March 15, 1917: Pravda Turns Right. Stalin and Kamenev take over as co-editors of Pravda. They adopted, among other views, the defensist position taken by the Manifesto of the Soviet the day before.

This was contrary to Lenin’s views. Lenin considered the defeat of Russia the lesser of two evils, the greater one being participation in an imperialist war, by and for the capitalist classes of the belligerents.

March 29 – March 16, 1917: The Soviet and the Dual Government. Delegates from the fleets to the Soviet announce that they will recognize the Provisional Government as a partner in the dual government. But only if it carries out the program of the Soviet.

In general, soviets in all the principal towns and industrial centers were taking the same position during this time. They also acknowledged the leadership of the Petrograd Soviet in this role.

March 30 – March 17, 1917: Lenin Writes. Lenin writes Pravda criticizing the defensist views published there. He blamed Kamenev, not Stalin.

March 31 – March 18, 1917: “The army is sick.” So it is said at a conference of the high officers in command. Desertions reached 8,000 weekly by mid-April.

April 1 – March 19, 1917: Tseretilli Arrives. The Menshevik émigré Tseretilli, like Stalin a native of Georgia, arrives in Petrograd. He, along with Martov and Dan, took over the leadership of the party in the Soviet, and helped steer the Soviet to the right. He favored sharing the government with the bourgeois-liberal parties the Provisional Government was then made up of, and the defensist position on the war.

April 2 – March 20, 1917: War News. A German offensive obtains a certain degree of success before petering out in the mud of the spring thaw. Trotsky says the bourgeois press of Petrograd made it seem like a threat of military disaster.

Meanwhile Miliukov, the Foreign Minister, hatched his (unsuccessful) plot to seize the Dardanelles by betraying Serbia.

April 3 – March 21, 1917: Eight-hour Day. The Moscow Soviet promulgates the eight-hour day in the factories of the city.

April 7 – March 25, 1917: The United States Enters the War. The United States House and Senate cast votes declaring war on Germany and its allies.

In Petrograd, a funeral march honoring the victims of the February Revolution was held. Some 800,000 filed past the graves.

April 9 – March 27, 1917: Lenin Entrains. Lenin boards a train in Berne, Switzerland, en route for Russia. He and his wife Krupskaya are part of a group of 30 Bolsheviks travelling via Stuttgart, Stockholm, and, partly in horse-drawn sleighs, Finland.

Because he was travelling through Germany, the itinerary appeared vaguely treasonous. The train itself was said to have been sealed, but really Lenin had demanded that it not be subject to the routine intrusions travelers normally suffer. Lenin and other revolutionary emigres had tried without success to obtain passage with the help of the French and British, who had their own reasons to keep them from reaching Petrograd.

April 10 – March 29, 1917: All Russia Conference of Soviets. A conference of all the soviets of revolutionary Russia convenes in Petrograd. Attending Bolsheviks voted along with the rest of the conference in favor of sharing power with the Provisional Government.

The Bolsheviks also discussed reunification with the Mensheviks, something that was already taking place in the provinces. Some favored reunification without conditions. Molotov objected, as the Mensheviks had taken the defensist position for keeping Russia in the war. Stalin favored negotiating the terms of reconciliation with the Mensheviks. The negotiations continued until Lenin’s arrival the following week.

Tuesday, September 19, 2017

September 16 – September 3, 1917: “On Compromises”


In Rabochy Put (Worker’s Way), a successor to the shuttered Pravda, Lenin writes of an opening for the proletarian revolution created by the defeat of Kornilov’s insurrection. He argued in “On Compromises” that if the Soviet were to reject proposals for coalition with the Cadets in the government, the way would be open for an all-socialist government incorporating the system of soviets.

He described the compromise this way: “The compromise on our part is our return to the pre-July demand of all power to the Soviets and a government of [Social Revolutionaries] and Mensheviks responsible to the Soviets.” And in return: “The Mensheviks and S.R.s, being the government bloc, would then agree … to form a government wholly and exclusively responsible to the Soviets, the latter taking over all power locally as well.”

Of course, as we’ll see, the right-socialists never opened this window.

Monday, July 17, 2017

July 17 – July 4, 1917: The Manifestation Continues


Despite the appearance of Prava the next morning with a blank sheet for a front page, the manifestation of the July Days continues, now bearing every sign of Bolshevik guidance and organization. In fact, that is the reason for the problem with Pravda: an article composed the previous afternoon calling for restraint had to be withdrawn when the Bolsheviks, confronted with a fait accompli, decided to lead the demonstrations instead. A separate leaflet announced the latter.

The second day of the manifestation belonged more to the workers than the soldiers. Since the February Revolution, communications between the factory committees, the workers’ districts, and the militant units in the garrison had improved. This was in evidence in the run-up to the day’s march. At the direction of the Bolshevik Military Organization, armored cars were dispatched to cover the bridges and principal street crossings. The Machine Gun regiment still manned the Peter and Paul fortress in the river.

The demonstrators began to assemble at about 11:00 a.m., workers at the head of the march. Factories struck and held meetings instead of working. Those whose workers had held back on the first day, even if their factory committees were dominated by Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, joined the march. Trotsky says the second day of the manifestation was “more impressive and organized” under “the guiding hand of the party.”

Neighboring garrisons also sent troops to join or protect the march as necessary – significantly, the Kronstadt sailors. Even the Social Revolutionaries in their ranks, and the commissar or the Provisional government himself, had voted to join the march. Ten thousand sailors disembarked on the banks of the Neva River at about noon, and presently appeared at Bolshevik headquarters in the palace formerly of the ballerina. There, addressed by Lunacharsky, they shouted for a speech from Lenin. “By the way,” Trotsky says, Lenin happened to be in town, returned from his sickbed in Finland. Apparently still not quite well, but well enough to speak briefly, he reminded the marchers of the meaning of the slogans on their banners.

The leadership of the left contingent of the Social Revolutionaries who’d joined the march objected to the prominence of a banner bearing the standard of the Bolshevik Central Committee. The rank and file not sharing the objection, the march continued with the banner in place.

Tuesday, July 11, 2017

July 11 – June 28, 1917: Lenin in Finland


Trotsky says Lenin is ill and recovering in Finland on this day. It’s my impression that, given his prescience about the mood of the revolution (and the coming July Days), Lenin may possibly have been ill, but he was certainly in Finland. He editorialized daily, sometimes twice daily, in Pravda during this time.

Friday, April 28, 2017

April 21 – April 8, 1917: Pravda’s Critique


The Pravda editors split with Lenin on the “immediate transformation of [the Russian] revolution into a socialist revolution." In fact, right Bolsheviks continued to struggle against Lenin’s program of action down to the beginning of the October Revolution.

April 20 – April 7, 1917: Pravda publishes “April Theses”


See the link in the entry for April 17 – April 4, 1917.

Thursday, March 30, 2017

Tuesday, March 28, 2017

March 28 – March 15, 1917: Pravda Turns Right


Stalin and Kamenev take over as co-editors of Pravda. They adopted, among other views, the defensist position taken by the Manifesto of the Soviet the day before.

This was contrary to Lenin’s views. Lenin considered the defeat of Russia the lesser of two evils, the greater one being participation in an imperialist war, by and for the capitalist classes of the belligerents.

A supplementary post follows this one in the chronological order.

Sunday, March 19, 2017

March 19 – March 6, 1917: A Declaration


The Provisional Government issues a declaration promising to summon a Constituent Assembly and to carry the war through to victory. Trotsky observes that neither promise meant want it seemed to mean, nor indeed anything at all. The Provisional Government hadn’t summoned the Constituent Assembly months later when the October Revolution overtook it. The promise about the war was addressed more to Britain and France than to the people of Russia; the Provisional Government wanted business as usual with its allies of the Entente.

The Soviet voted to appoint commissars to each regiment of the army. The soldiers were gravitating towards the view that they would fight to defend the revolution, but refuse to take the offensive. The defensist position was also that of a majority of the Soviet, but not necessarily of the Bolsheviks.

From Switzerland, Lenin cabled the Petrograd Bolsheviks advice on tactics. His “Letters from Afar,” opposing accommodation with the Provisional Government, began to appear in Pravda during this time.

March 18 – March 5, 1917: Pravda


First issue of Pravda, central organ of the Bolshevik Party. By order of the Executive Committee of the Soviet, the workers printed only those publications approved by the Soviet. That meant no more “right press” for the time being; the decision was reversed some days later under pressure from the bourgeoisie.

Among Pravda’s first editors was the left-Bolshevik Molotov.

Meanwhile, the workers returned to work under conditions, including eight-hour days, proposed by the Soviet. Word of the revolution began filtering through to the soldiers at the front, where the Bolshevik peace policy was not widely accepted.