General
Polkovnikov and his staff try to open a negotiation with the Garrison
Conference. They offered to accept the conditions the conference had declared,
that is, the policy that orders from headquarters would not be considered valid
unless countersigned by the Soviet. But the conference would have to withdraw
the order categorically breaking from the headquarters chain of command.
Headquarters signed and delivered an agreement to that effect, but the
conference never troubled to answer.
It was busy with
other things. The Soviet assigned commissars with plenary powers to each military
unit and to strategic points in the city. It applied the tactic of “crowding
out” government functions and replacing their people with agents of the Soviet at
every opportunity.
But the
commandant at the Peter and Paul fortress in the Neva River threatened to
arrest the commissar, Corporal Blagonravov, who arrived there. Hearing of this
at Smolny, the Bolsheviks wondered what to do. Trotsky, thinking the troops
themselves must be sound, offered to negotiate. When he and his delegation got
there at about 2:00 p.m., a meeting was in progress. The right-wing orators
spoke cautiously; the soldiers listened to Trotsky’s delegation instead.
Thus this strategic
point and its garrison came over to the Soviet. Blagonravov set up his
office and his communications with Smolny. The arsenal and its 100,000 rifles
became available to the Military Committee and the Red Guard.
The
Preobrazhentsky Regiment of the garrison came over too, protesting rumors
(based on their credulity during the July
slanders about Lenin and German money) that they were still with the
government. As for government troops from the front, cavalry was being held up
on the railways at Pskov; the 17th Infantry Division simply refused
orders to march on Petrograd. Delegates from the front itself appeared at the
Petrograd Soviet demanding peace. The soldiers of the Fifth Army replaced the
Compromisers on their committee with Bolsheviks.
The Red Guards also
made their presence felt. A conference of 100 delegates representing 20,000
armed workers from all over the city, convened the previous day, now adopted a
resolution for organizing and deploying their forces. Riflemen were organized
into squads, companies, battalions, and divisions, and supported by engineers,
bicyclists, telegraphers, machine gunners, and artillerists. Women established
hospitals and first aid stations. Patrols and guards protected the factories
and strategic points.
On Nevsky Prospect,
the American journalist Reed bought a copy of Lenin’s pamphlet, “Will the
Bolsheviks Be Able to Hold the State Power?” Then he went to Smolny, where
Lazimir, head of the Military Revolutionary Committee, told him the Peter and
Paul had come over. And that a regiment the government had sent to the capital
stopped at the Gatchina Station, passed a resolution in favor of power to the
soviets, and sent a delegation to Lazimir’s committee. The committee returned a
message welcoming them as comrades and telling them to remain where they were
until further instructions from the
committee.
Reed saw the organizers of the insurrection at work:
Podvoisky, Antonov, Krylenko, Dybenko….
Meanwhile,
Kerensky’s Provisional Government issued a decree proclaiming “in principle”
the independence of Finland. Both the bourgeoisie and the proletarians of
Finland wanted this – though for different reasons. The grant of independence
did not extend to military matters and foreign policy. It did not create much
of a ripple in Finland.
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