June 30 – June 17, 1917: Tseretilli’s Challenge

Pravda had immediately declared the Bolsheviks ready to march on June 18 (July 1) in their “struggle for those aims for which we had intended to demonstrate on the 10^th.” The day before the march, the Menshevik Tseretilli issues a challenge to the Bolsheviks, saying the march would be a referendum revealing “whom the majority is following,” the Bolsheviks or their right-socialist rivals in the soviets.

June 29 – June 16, 1917: Offensive Ordered

War Minister Kerensky orders the summer offensive, calling for “an immediate and decisive blow” by the Russian armies. The general staff, on the contrary, believed the offensive was hopeless.

June 25 – June 12, 1917: Compromise on the Left

Despite the Menshevik Tseretilli’s inflammatory speech, and another by his colleague Dan suggesting the Bolsheviks had connections with German agents, the Congress of Soviets as a whole is not ready to expel the Bolsheviks from the revolution’s ranks. A compromise developed in which the Bolsheviks gave up the call for a demonstration, and the other left parties in the soviets gave up the call to disarm the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks were subjected to what Trotsky calls an “exceptional law,” but the law had no teeth: no arrests, proscriptions, impeachments, etc.

Trotsky denies it was the policy of the party to arm itself. It happened that workers who identified with the party kept arms to defend themselves from the police, and that soldiers who bore arms in the line of duty might also consider themselves Bolsheviks. These elements were, in fact, the main protection of the movement during the February Revolution.

Another line of criticism then offered proved difficult for the Bolsheviks to lay to rest. It held that the Bolsheviks were the party of the workers, but not of the peasants. But the revolution was the revolution of the workers and the peasants. This overlooked the fact that the party’s agrarian policy was one of Lenin’s April Theses, and had been fully articulated in his speech to the Conference of Peasant Deputies. The Bolsheviks were actively agitating among the peasantry in favor of this policy.  

Finally at this session of the Congress, a Menshevik offered a resolution calling for a demonstration the following Sunday, June 18 (July 1, new style), to show unity against the German enemy. This passed, as did a resolution to abolish the State Duma and convene the Constituent Assembly on September 30 (October 13, new style). The Congress also agreed to reconvene every three months.

June 24 – June 11, 1917: Conspiracy Theories

In a special, limited session of the Congress and Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, the Menshevik Tseretilli argues the conspiracy theory that the reactionaries intended to use the demonstration as a pretext for overthrowing the revolution. With Tseretilli, this became another pretext, for an attack on the Bolsheviks. He called for disarming the party, lest it conspire against the revolution from the left. Bolshevism was to be excised from the revolutionary body.

Trotsky says, “The hall was stunned into silence.” Kamenev offered to be arrested, so he could defend himself and his party against Tseretilli’s charge. The Bolsheviks walked out of the meeting.

June 23 – June 10, 1917: The Demonstration is Put Off

Overnight, Bolshevik influence helps develop a consensus among the demonstration’s supporters to postpone it.

The matter was debated in the Congress of Soviets that day and the next. A conspiracy theory developed claiming that the reactionaries planned to use the demonstration as a pretext for overthrowing the revolutionary government and dissolving the soviets.

Meanwhile, in Kiev, the Rada (parliament) declared the independence of the Ukraine.

June 22 – June 9, 1917: Separate Peace?

The Coalition Government having decided to continue participation in the war with a new offensive, Lenin again addresses the Congress of Soviets, this time on the Bolshevik war policy and position on a separate peace. The Bolshevik policy, he said, is premised on the imperialist character of the war. Russia’s allies, Britain, France, and now the United States, have imperialist aims; therefore Russia’s armies, in which the vast majority of the soldiers came from the peasantry, are fighting not to defend the revolution against Germany, but to support the capitalist ruling classes at home and abroad.

The Bolsheviks were being accused in the bourgeois press of seeking a separate peace. The party’s answer was peace through revolution – world revolution. (See the entry for May 10 – April 27, and the text of the party resolution here.) But Lenin did not try to explain the contingency of world revolution in this speech. Instead he demanded, “No peace with the German capitalists,” and “No alliance with the British and French” capitalists, at the same time reminding the Congress of the Provisional Government’s complicity in imperialist policies for the annexation of Armenia, Finland, and Ukraine.

Despite Lenin’s urgings, the Congress of Soviets voted to support the new offensive. The separately proposed Bolshevik resolution on the war was not even put to a vote.

June 22 – June 9, 1917: Pravda Publishes the Call

Pravda publishes the call for a demonstration decided upon the previous day. Trotsky persuaded the Central Council of Factory and Shop Committees to endorse the call.

The slogans were to be an old one: “All Power to the Soviets!” and a new one: “Down with the Ten Minister-Capitalists!” (that is, the ten ministers of the Coalition Government who did not belong to one of the socialist parties). The Bolsheviks began to paste up posters in favor of the demonstration and its slogans. It had also happened that Vyborg elected a Bolshevik majority to its local duma during that time.

But the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries opposed the action. The Coalition Government did nothing to stop it, but the Congress of Soviets, with its Menshevik/Social Revolutionary super-majority, voted a resolution forbidding demonstrations for three days.

Meanwhile, the debates at the Congress of Soviets continued, as described in a separate entry.

June 21 – June 8, 1917: Call for a Demonstration

A conference between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the Petrograd workers unions votes to call for a demonstration.

June 20 – June 7, 1917: The Vyborg Gardens

The Vyborg workers had appropriated a tsarist minister’s suburban gardens and manor as a sort of community center and children’s playground. Responding to rumors in the press that criminals had established themselves there, the Executive Committee ordered an investigation, which of course did not find anything amiss.

So far a mere incident; but it has a sequel.

June 17 – June 4, 1917: Lenin Addresses the Congress

Lenin’s speech explains and defends the Bolshevik positions on participation in the Coalition ministry in particular, and the anti-revolutionary tendencies of the dual government in general. Follow the link to read the text.

Lenin also at one point advised the Congress to arrest the big bourgeoisie and keep them in close confinement until they should reveal their secret deals. Kerensky spoke against the motion and it did not pass.

A resolution against the Kronstadt sailors, who had arrested their officers, expelled the governor appointed by the Provisional Government, and put the local soviet in charge of the local government (May 26 – May 13), carried the Congress. Trotsky subsequently drafted, and the sailors agreed to, a declaration that avoided open conflict. Thereafter some of the sailors became well-traveled apostles of Bolshevism, a phenomenon Trotsky terms the “Kronstadt Miracle.”

June 16 – June 3, 1917: Congress of Soviets

The First All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies convenes in Petrograd; it continues until July 7 – June 24. Whether a particular soviet could send a delegate, and whether the delegate had a vote, depended on the size of the soviet’s membership. The Bolsheviks had about a fifth of the 777 delegates.

June 14 – June 1, 1917: Bolshevik Majorities

Workers at a Moscow factory elect a majority Bolshevik factory committee. The party won a plurality of seats on the Moscow Soviet during this time as well, and a large majority at a June conference of factory and shop committees in Petrograd were Bolshevik.

However, elections to the local dumas continued to favor moderate socialists. For example, a June election to the Moscow duma gave 60% of the delegates to the Social Revolutionaries. This reflected the large turnout of petit bourgeoisie in elections such as these.

June 10 – May 28, 1917: Conference of Peasants’ Deputies Adjourns

The Conference, caught between opposition to the Provisional Government’s land policy (or lack of one) and its distaste for the Bolshevik solution (i.e., nationalization), selects a Social Revolutionary executive committee and president.

In the meantime, the district land committees passed increasingly under the control of the peasantry, and were increasingly able to exercise control over the use of the land. This happened mostly peacefully, accompanied by a shift in the countryside to alignment with the Bolsheviks.

June 5 – May 23, 1917: Changes in Command

War Minister Kerensky replaces General Alexeiev with General Brussilov as commander-in-chief of the Russian armies. Brussilov was thought to be more enterprising, thus more amenable to carrying out the desired offensive.

This set off a series of dismissals by Kerensky and Brussilov, including that of Brussilov himself. Some generals were dismissed for “indulgence” to the regimental soldiers' committees (from which officers were excluded). Others were dismissed for the opposite reason, “resisting democratization” of the army. Brussilov was eventually replaced, by Kornilov, for “excessive indulgence” to the committees. But Kornilov himself had been dismissed from command in Petrograd because he’d proven unable to get along with democratic elements in the government.

A supplementary post follows this one in the chronological order.

June 4 – May 22, 1917: The Agrarian Question

Lenin addresses the All-Russian Conference of Peasants’ Deputies on agrarian policy. He made it clear that nationalization of the lands was the Bolshevik policy, as opposed to transfer of ownership to individual peasants as private property.

Under nationalization, the state would own the land, and rent it back to farmers, “free labor on free soil,” on terms “equal for all.” The party considered this the best way to protect the livelihood of poor peasants as against the richer, petit bourgeois class of peasants. Model farms were to be established on larger tracts confiscated from the nobility, church, and crown.

You can read Lenin’s address to the conference by following the link.

At the front, the Chief of Staff reported disaffection among the troops and continuing fraternization with enemy troops. On the Rumanian front, he said, “…the infantry does not want to advance.” Trotsky provides plenty of specific examples of disaffection.

June, 1917: Root Mission

President Wilson sends former Secretary of War Elihu Root to Petrograd with messages on the United States war aims and conditions for securing US loans for the further prosecution of the war. He summed up the US attitude, as Wikipedia says, very trenchantly: "No fight, no loans."

Thus, the US offered credits of up to $75 million, contingent on Russia undertaking the summer offensive. The Romanovs expressed a desire to subscribe, contingent on the state treasury’s support for the tsar’s family. But the Russian big bourgeoisie refused to subscribe.

May 27 – May 14, 1917: Kerensky Issues Orders

War Minister Kerensky issues orders telling the troops to “go where your leaders conduct you,” gratuitously adding they would “carry on the points of [their] bayonets – peace.”

During this time the Coalition Government convened a “special conference” to discuss calling a Constituent Assembly. Nothing came of it; the term “Constituent Assembly” continued to be a mask for the bourgeois government’s inaction on the revolutionary programs and policies demanded by the soviets.

May 25 – May 12, 1917: Crimes of the Peasantry

Prince Lvov, Premier of the Coalition Government, finds it necessary to denounce the crimes of the peasants. The “crimes” had been going on, increasingly, since April, in part because the government had done little or nothing about land reform except to form land committees in rural districts. The committees were permitted to discuss the matter but not given official power to do anything about it.

So some peasants had been taking matters into their own hands, confiscating the lands and weapons of the rural nobility, seizing animals and equipment, etc. They even disrupted land surveys in order to prevent sales of land by the owning classes. In many cases, revolutionized peasant-soldiers on leave led these efforts.

A supplementary post follows this one in the chronological order.

May 24 – May 11, 1917: Kerensky to the Front

War Minister Kerensky travels to the front to agitate for an offensive.

May 18 – May 5, 1917: Coalition Government!

Prince Lvov’s proposal offers six of the fifteen ministerial portfolios to the socialists. The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet voted to accept it, Bolsheviks only voting against.

Lvov was to remain as premier. Kerensky, a Social Revolutionary who was already in the government, took the war ministry; the foreign ministry stayed with the Cadets in the person of Tereshchenko. Socialists got the ministries of labor and of trade and industry, and the Menshevik Tseretilli became minister of posts. No Bolshevik joined the government.

Russia’s allies in the Entente seem to have been pleased. A broader government embracing leaders of the socialist revolution might be better able to keep Russia in the war. This was certainly Kerensky’s intention.

May 17 – May 4, 1917: Trotsky Arrives

Released from a British prisoner of war camp in Canada some weeks before, Trotsky arrives in Petrograd. Among his first acts was speaking against participation in the Provisional Government.

Meanwhile, the First All-Russian Conference of Peasants’ Deputies convenes.

May 13 – April 30, 1917: Miliukov Resigns

Unable to resist backlash for the handling of his policy on the war and annexation (i.e., the Dardanelles), Miliukov resigns his post as Foreign Minister. Guchov, the Minister of War, having refused to sign the Declaration of the Rights of the Soldiers, also resigned his post.

This left some portfolios open for distribution to the socialists who had been invited to join the Provisional Government. Already some of the provincial soviets, including that of Moscow, had declared against participation. On the other hand, some of the soldiers seemed to prefer having a socialist in charge of the war.

May 12 – April 29, 1917: All Russia Bolshevik Party Conference Ends

Besides the resolutions described in prior entries, the conference considered reports and resolutions on the party’s attitude toward the provincial soviets, revisions to its program, the agrarian and nationalities questions, and the current situation of the international proletarian revolution. Stalin delivered the report on the nationalities question. The tsars had made Russia the overlord of numerous peoples; Stalin was becoming the party’s expert on the issues this raised.

The party’s agrarian policy sought to align the peasants in the countryside with the workers in the cities under the Bolshevik banners. It called for confiscation of the landed estates of the nobility, church, and crown, nationalization of the lands, and transfer of the lands to the peasantry under leasehold. The party also undertook to organize the peasants in an independent arm, and support their efforts in existing peasant soviets and land committees.

A new Central Committee was also elected; Lenin, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Stalin, and Sverdlov were among those given seats.

After the April Days, the votes in elections to the soviets begin to shift, favorably to the Bolsheviks.

May 10 – April 27, 1917: Resolution on the War

Satisfied with revisions to the original draft, Lenin speaks in favor of the party’s resolution on the war. Denouncing the war as imperialist, the resolution declared against annexations and indemnities, against “revolutionary defensism,” and, ironically, against a separate peace. Of course, the “democratic peace” the resolution called for could only occur if proletarians in all the belligerent countries held the state power and so agreed. To this end, fraternization with enemy soldiers at the front, already taking place, was encouraged.

Pravda published the resolution on May 12 – April 29.

May 9 – April 26, 1917: Coalition Government?

Prince Lvov – in effect – invites members of the Petrograd Soviet to join the Provisional Government. The actual words of the announcement invite “those active, creative forces of the country” who weren’t already in the government to join it. As we’ll see, the proposal was soon to be acted upon.

May 7 – April 24, 1917: Bolshevik Party Conference

The All-Russia Bolshevik Party Conference called for in the April Theses begins. Neither Stalin nor Kamenev were named to the five-member praesidium.

Lenin spoke against misdirected violence, violence that is not being used as a tactic to further some specific revolutionary strategy. He also presented a resolution “On the Attitude Towards the Provisional Government” that had been adopted by the Petrograd conference of the party. The resolution recognized the government as an organ of the bourgeoisie and landowners, enumerating the programs such as land reform and the eight-hour workday it had failed to act upon or actively resisted. The resolution was published in Pravda on May 10 – April 27.