Marx's Theory of Revolutions

Marx's Theory of Revolutions

Tuesday, March 14, 2017

March 14 – March 1, 1917: The Provisional Committee and the Tsar


Rodzianko wants to telegraph the tsar. Fearing arrest by the workers, he asked for an escort to the telegraph office by deputies of the Soviet.

The Provisional Committee, on the one hand, accepted the power to form the state that the revolution had won, but on the other, continued to negotiate with the tsar. Though the tsar’s ministers had been placed under arrest and brought before the Duma, he nevertheless proposed a deal that would allow him to continue to fight the war, while the Provisional Committee would administer all other government functions. But it was too late for the tsar. Abdication was broached in an exchange of telegrams that also made the situation in the capital clear to the tsar. He may have offered to appoint new ministers; he definitely agreed to submit the question of abdication to his marshals at the front.

For their part, Miliukov and other bourgeois now being named or naming themselves ministers of the Provisional Committee did not want to part with the monarchy entirely, preferring to keep it in name as a shield against the revolution. But the demand of the Soviet’s Executive Committee when it met with the Provisional Committee was modest: only to be allowed to continue agitation among the workers, soldiers, and peasants. The rest of the revolutionary program – land reform, an end to the war, the eight-hour day, etc. – was not put on the table. Even the Bolsheviks on the committee went along with this.

Meanwhile the revolution is complete in Moscow, where the Moscow Soviet holds its first session. It was also spreading to the provincial cities. At Novgorod, the mayor made a speech in its favor; political prisoners are freed. The workers of Samara and Saratov organized Soviets. The chief of police in Kharkov cried, “Long Live the revolution!”

Back in Petrograd, Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries of the Executive Committee issued Order No. 1 for the benefit of the soldiers who had joined the revolution. It called for each regiment to elect members to the soviets and to form regimental committees of enlisted men. It also regulated control of weapons and social interactions with officers, who in every case came from a different social stratum than the peasant soldiery.

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